Darfur and southern Sudan Publications

  • Jan 19, 2010

    As tensions increase as the April 2010 elections and January 2011 referendum approach, the United States must ensure strict adherence to unambiguous benchmarks and apply pressures and incentives accordingly.

  • Dec 21, 2009

    Sudan’s national elections scheduled for April 2010 will be neither free nor fair absent significant international pressure to dramatically change the electoral landscape.

  • Dec 18, 2009

    The cross-border nature of the Lord’s Resistance Army, or LRA—currently active in northeastern Congo, the Central African Republic, and southern Sudan—is a clear threat to international peace and security.

  • Dec 16, 2009

    In recent months, Duk County and other neighboring, largely Dinka counties in western Jonglei state, have been afflicted by several violent attacks by armed, organized, and well-trained militia.

  • Nov 20, 2009

    As milestone after milestone is missed on the road to Sudan's 2010 election cycle, Enough experts try to answer the question: What's next for Sudan now?

  • Nov 5, 2009

    Sunday, November 1st marked the start of the month-long period of voter registration throughout Sudan, a key step toward the first democratic elections to be held in the country in 24 years, now slated for April 2010.

  • Nov 2, 2009

    28 Days. That is the amount of time left for Sudan’s rival parties to resolve their differences over a law that will determine the critical details of southern Sudan’s looming, landmark self-determination referendum.

  • Oct 20, 2009

    In Juba, the capital of southern Sudan, the need for 'fierce urgency' in implementing the Obama administration's new policy couldn't be more clear. Tensions are running high and political rumors are flying in this town, which is ground zero for implementation of the peace agreement that is emphasized prominently in the Obama administration's Sudan policy.

  • Oct 13, 2009

    The Darfur peace process is at a crossroads. Until now, the mediation team has not produced a credible peace proposal and key external actors have not generated the necessary pressures and incentives to achieve an agreement.

  • Sep 9, 2009

    It is increasingly evident that the ruling National Congress Party is eager to undermine the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan. Left unchecked, the NCP’s behavior will trigger a return to war and make it all the more difficult to resolve the crisis in Darfur.

  • Jul 27, 2009

    The United States has largely steered clear of Chad’s internal crisis, but the inadequacies of crisis management in Chad will continue to negatively impact the situation in Sudan, where the United States has invested heavily in peace. It’s time to get serious about Chad, and the Obama administration is in a unique position to coordinate pressure on President Déby to enact genuine political reforms.

  • Jul 20, 2009

    This week’s legal decision on the boundary of Abyei—an oil-rich and contested region along the disputed North-South border within Sudan—is the first major test of recent commitments made in Washington by the two parties to Sudan’s 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement, or CPA. The international community—in particular the United States, which played a critical role in negotiating the Abyei Protocol—has a responsibility to ensure that the ruling is respected and that the residents of Abyei and the affected surrounding areas are protected from violence.

  • Jun 10, 2009

    The United States and other key actors need to lower their expectations for the upcoming February 2010 national elections in Sudan and develop a multilateral strategy to press the Government of National Unity—the ruling National Congress Party in particular —to enact meaningful reforms regardless of who wins in 2010, revitalize CPA implementation, and establish a framework for talks in Darfur that are consistent with the power-sharing provisions of the CPA.

  • May 22, 2009

    The myriad challenges and risks facing Sudan in the next 19 months cannot be addressed and mitigated unless the international community adopts a new approach to the crucial final stages of CPA implementation. Robust, coordinated, and high-level engagement is essential from all, not just a few, of the CPA’s “guarantors”—those states and organizations that witnessed the signing of the CPA and agreed to support its implementation. The United States and other key guarantors should play a lead role in driving this multilateral, multi-track approach, since the scale of the challenges over the coming months merit the engagement of all of the international actors who committed four years ago to supporting implementation of the CPA. The Washington conference is a positive start, but should be followed-up with efforts that penalize failure to implement key provisions of the agreement.

  • May 13, 2009

    Testimony of John Prendergast, Co-founder of the Enough Project,
    Before the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations